The endemic violence in primitive societies

Before Settlement, a Blood-Soaked Land Part I

Robert Hill, Quadrant Aug 20 2026

Australian history has been distorted by lies, fabrication, exaggeration and selective evidence. Out of that distortion has emerged one overwhelming story: that the British arrived in 1788 and turned a peaceful continent into a land of violence, massacre and war.

The truth begins in exactly the opposite place.

The British did not enter a peaceful continent. They entered a continent occupied by peoples living in what, in the older anthropological sense, was one of the most materially primitive and socially fragmented forms of human organisation still surviving on earth: thousands of small, mobile, familial groups, without settled agriculture, cities, writing, courts, police or any authority standing above them capable of ending feud and revenge. It is difficult to conceive of a substantially simpler enduring form of human social organisation. Below the small local group lies little more than the immediate or extended family itself. But no human population could remain reproductively isolated at that level for generation after generation: sustained mating within such a narrow circle would inevitably produce repeated close-relative unions and increasing inbreeding. Survival therefore required some network of bestowal, female transfer, and contact between otherwise small and politically separate groups.

Revenge killing, payback, punitive expeditions, sorcery killing, ritual punishment, conflict over women and armed fighting between neighbouring groups were already part of the continent’s human landscape. Within the societies in which these practices operated, much of this violence was not regarded as aberrant criminality but as culturally sanctioned conduct, expected, legitimate and, in some circumstances, obligatory. I refer collectively to these recurring forms of socially embedded killing as “cultural lethal violence”. So too, in different places and circumstances, were infanticide, the abandonment or killing of elderly and incapacitated people, and other brutal responses to the material constraints of subsistence life. Practices varied between regions, and no single pattern can be attributed uniformly to every Aboriginal group. But the underlying forms of violence are well attested.

Read the rest HERE . . .

Read Robert Hill’s The myth of Invasion

Questions missing from the census

While completing my online census questions last night, I realised four vital questions were missing:

Are you a full-blooded Aboriginal, living the traditional life of the Aboriginal in all its primitiveness, without recourse to any support from modern Australian society? YES/NO

Are you a full-blooded Aboriginal taking advantage of all that modern Australia has to offer? YES/NO

Are you a reinvented white-Aboriginal, predominantly of European ancestry, having no connection whatever with the traditional life of the full-blooded Aboriginal? YES/NO

Are you a reinvented white-Aboriginal, indistinguishable from your fellow Australian of Anglo-Celtic origin? YES/NO

The dreamtime enters history

The ideological concoction of history

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Pemulwuy: Coward, Thief, Killer

Robert Hill, Quadrant, Aug 07 2026

No Aboriginal figure has acquired greater symbolic importance in the modern construction of the “Frontier Wars” than Pemulwuy, and no episode associated with him has been more heavily mythologised than the confrontation now called the “Battle of Parramatta” in 1797. The elevation of a brief, unattributed colonial account into a major military engagement has supplied the emerging frontier-war narrative with both a commanding hero and a foundational battle.

The modern Pemulwuy is not merely the product of generous interpretation. He has been constructed through the cumulative enlargement of fragmentary, unattributed and often much later accounts. Hearsay became fact. Raiding became warfare. A clash became a battle. A notorious local outlaw became the commander of a resistance movement.

A short article cannot examine every contradiction and embellishment within that transformation. It can, however, expose its essential structure. The contemporary evidence does not securely establish Pemulwuy as the commander of an Aboriginal army, the leader of a regional political coalition or the architect of a sustained military campaign. Even the killing most strongly associated with him rests upon an identification that is plausible rather than conclusive.

Read the rest HERE . . .

The solution: repeal the Native Title Act

What Mabo has Wrought

Peter O’Brien, Quadrant , Aug 04 2026

In my latest book, Juukan – the New Dark Emu (order it here), I postulate that, in the wake of the ludicrous findings of the Parliamentary Enquiry into the legal demolition by Rio Tinto of two nondescript rock shelters , protection of Aboriginal heritage will become an increasingly intolerable burden for mining companies to bear.  A recent judgment by the Federal Court against Fortescue Mining Group bears that out. What follows is an extract from my book and some observations about the latest developments.

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In its submission to the Juukan Parliamentary Enquiry, Fortescue (FMG) describes itself as a “proud” Western Australian company, no doubt to establish right off that they have been listening to, and learning from, their “native title partners”.

FMG has seven agreements with different native title holders, and they note:

Among other things, the Native Title Agreements facilitate the identification and protection of significant Aboriginal cultural heritage through Aboriginal Cultural heritage surveys. As a result of these surveys, Fortescue and native title holders have surveyed 2.5 million km2 of land and identified and protected over 5900 cultural heritage places. Fortescue submits that this extensive protection is evidence that the State cultural heritage protection regime is largely successful.

Not a great start, I would have thought, for FMG to claim that it had surveyed 2.5 million square kilometres, in other words pretty much the whole of Western Australia. Makes you wonder if the figure of 5900 protected sites is also an order of magnitude out.

Read the rest HERE . . .

The valiant knights of old

The medieval knights defended Europe, their culture and religion from the marauding Muslim sword.

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‘The most feared Templar chant ever recorded — a sacred sound of power, faith, and divine war. This dark Gregorian choir captures the intensity of medieval holy battles, where the voices of the Knights Templar echoed before the clash of steel.

Deep male chants, haunting harmonies, and massive cathedral reverb create an atmosphere of fear, devotion, and unbreakable belief. This is more than music — it is a ritual, a warning, and a prayer that once struck fear into the enemies of God.

Feel the presence of ancient warriors standing before battle, united in faith, as their voices rise into the darkness.’

The Desecration of the Australian War Memorial

The Capture by Stealth of the AWM

Robert Hill, Quadrant, 20 July 2026

“A major feature on Frontier Wars will piss off the majority of Australia’s 600,000 veterans.” So warned Major General Greg Melick in 2022, when he was National President of the RSL and a member of the Australian War Memorial Council.

“The fundamental element is that the War Memorial was built in sacred recognition of wars that Australians fought as a nation, unified against an external foe. It is not to be a memorial for conflicts within Australia,” Barnaby Joyce said in 2022.

These statements expose the question the Memorial has never honestly answered: if a major Frontier Wars display would so profoundly disturb the veterans whose service the Memorial exists to honour, why has the policy been advanced without a clear public announcement, published legal advice, or a frank explanation of how it fits within the Australian War Memorial Act?

I am not a military man. I do not claim the authority of service. But my love for this country could not be greater. I know sacrilege when I see it.

The Australian War Memorial is the last place still standing largely outside the ideological capture of our national institutions. It is where politics is meant to fall silent before the dead; where the nation goes not to be lectured, corrected or re-educated, but to remember those who served and those who died.

Yet we are living inside a national fog of exaggeration and fabrication surrounding the so-called Frontier Wars. Claims unsupported by military reality are forced upon us as settled truth, even where no war existed.

The more immediate question is how this contested project became institutional policy. It was not advanced by open argument, but by stealth: through an ideological sequence and in a vacuum of justification. No clear public mandate was sought. No legal reasoning was published. No serious explanation was offered to veterans or the wider public as to why a contested account of colonial violence belongs within the statutory war memorial.

Read the rest HERE . . .

1960s Part 3

Liza’s Journey: Australia in the Sixties, Part 3

1960s Part 1 1960s Part 2

Mervyn Bendle, Quadrant, Dec 20 2025

Radical Thought. The Sydney Push had a lot more to it than the  Libertarianism and libertinism we discussed in our previous article. As Liza discovered, it appealed also to those drawn to challenging ideas and ideologies, as well as to those, like her, who felt  they had profound questions to ask. Prior to the Sixties, such youthful intellectual hunger might have been satisfied by joining the Communist Party. However, its authoritarianism, the revelations about the horrors of Stalinism, and the 1956 Soviet invasion of Hungary (right) discredited the Party for many. This was especially the case with Liza, who heard of the horrors first-hand from those workmates at the store who were amongst the 300,000 Hungarians who’d fled into exile, with many coming to Australia. Consequently, the Libertarian Society and the Push helped fill an ideological vacuum that lasted until the arrival of the New Left.

Intellectual Appeal. Moreover, they had a intellectual basis, derived from John Anderson’s iconoclastic philosophy, which had survived over 40 years of critique and conflict with the Establishment. The folk who made up the core membership of the Push took ideas seriously and this foundation gave it legitimacy for the intellectually-inclined, including not only the older members but younger folk like Liza or Germaine Greer, who particularly noticed the difference between Melbourne and Sydney: Melbourne’s ‘Drift’ was romantic in relationships and sloppy in reasoning while the Push (left) was realist in relationships and rigorous in reasoning.

Read the rest here . . .